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    <title>Europe in the World</title>
    <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe/</link>
    <description></description>
    <dc:language>en</dc:language>
    <dc:creator>info@e3g.org</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights>Copyright 2008</dc:rights>
    <dc:date>2008-07-22T13:47:01+00:00</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <title>Europe: delivering the Global Deal</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/europe&#45;delivering&#45;the&#45;global&#45;deal/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/europe-delivering-the-global-deal/#When:12:47:01Z</guid>
      <description>The political conditions do not exist for a global climate deal. In a recent presentation, E3G Chief Executive Nick Mabey highlights the priorities for EU climate action in 2008.

European leadership is vital, but EU climate politics are vulnerable and need investment. Europe must immediately focus on shaping its strategic relationships with the US and China, and key decisions by non&#45;environmental actors. 

An ambitious global climate deal is in Europe’s interests and cannot be achieved without strong EU leadership. Europeans recognise that the threat of climate change is real and urgent and that the benefits of moving to a low carbon economy outweigh the costs. The EU has also gone further than any other major economy to put in place concrete domestic policies to support the transition.

And yet as the global climate negotiations approach a critical moment the EU is wavering on its domestic commitments and lacks a clear diplomacy strategy to shape the positions of key international partners. Attached is a presentation, made at July’s meeting for the European Economic and Social Committee’s Sustainable Development Observatory, in which E3G’s Chief Executive Nick Mabey highlights the priorities for EU climate action in 2008: implementing domestic energy and climate package; building bridges with China and the US; and drawing up credible proposals for technological and financial support to developing countries.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Activities</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2008-07-22T12:47:01+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Invitation: An EU Budget for fighting Climate Change?</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/invitation&#45;an&#45;eu&#45;budget&#45;for&#45;fighting&#45;climate&#45;change/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/invitation-an-eu-budget-for-fighting-climate-change/#When:09:49:00Z</guid>
      <description>We are very pleased to publicise a discussion event in Paris, where we will be participating along with colleagues from IDDRI, IEEP, and Green Alliance:

Monday 16 June 2008, Conference from 5 to 7 pm

at Science Po, amphithéâtre  Jean Moulin

13, rue de l’Université – Paris VII 

(M° Saint&#45;Germain&#45;des&#45;Près or Rue du Bac)

 

An EU Budget for fighting Climate Change?

Following public consultations, initiated in 2007 by the European Commission in the framework of the European Union’s budget reform, climate change has been identified as a major new challenge which will have significant impacts. 


It appears increasingly likely that the challenges for the first decades of this century will be the transformation of development models, the invention of a new industrial revolution, and the success of the energy transition to reduce our dependence on fossil fuels. 


The choices that Europe makes will therefore be decisive, and numerous international stakeholders expect Europe to transform its leadership on environmental negotiations into an implementation of appropriate policies. 


Although limited, the budget of the EU can be an essential tool for the implementation of such policies, but the current European budget still reflects long&#45;established policy priorities mainly designed to protect and maintain European agriculture.


Three recognised European organisations – IEEP (Turning the EU Budget into an Instrument to Support the Fight Against Climate Change), Green Alliance (Investing in our Future) and E3G (A European Budget for the Future) – have submitted reports as part of the review process. 


It is important to hear these organisations together and compare their points of view to those of a representative of the Council and a member of the Parliament, as people who know the internal thought processes of European institutions.


Round table discussions chaired by Laurence Tubiana, director of Iddri and of the Sciences Po Sustainable Development Center, in the presence of: 

Stephen Hale, Director, Green Alliance 

Marc Pallemaerts, Senior Fellow and Head of Environmental Governance Research Team, IEEP 

Jesse Scott, Programme Leader, E3G 

Denis Simonneau, Cabinet Director at the State Secretary responsible for European Affairs 




Simultaneous interpretation between French and English will be provided during the conference.


Please confirm your participation before 13th June 2008.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Activities</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2008-06-06T09:49:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Invitation: Quel budget de l’Union européenne pour lutter contre le changement climatique?</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/invitation&#45;quel&#45;budget&#45;de&#45;lunion&#45;europeenne&#45;pour&#45;lutter&#45;contre&#45;le&#45;changemen/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/invitation-quel-budget-de-lunion-europeenne-pour-lutter-contre-le-changemen/#When:09:38:00Z</guid>
      <description>L’Institut du développement durable et des relations internationales (Iddri) et la Chaire développement durable de Sciences Po vous invitent à une conférence:

Lundi 16 Juin 2008, Conférence de 17h00 à 19h00

à Sciences Po, amphithéâtre Jean Moulin

13, rue de l’Université – Paris VII 

(M° Saint&#45;Germain&#45;des&#45;Près ou Rue du Bac)

 

Quel budget de l’Union européenne pour lutter contre le changement climatique ?

Suite aux consultations publiques initiées en 2007 par la Commission européenne dans le cadre de la réforme du budget de l’Union européenne, le changement climatique a été identifié comme un nouvel enjeu majeur dont les impacts seront significatifs. 


Il nous apparaît de plus en plus que le défi des premières décennies de notre siècle est celui de la transformation des modèles de développement, de l’avènement d’une nouvelle révolution industrielle, de la réussite de la transition énergétique impliquant une réduction de notre dépendance aux énergies fossiles. 


Les choix que l’Europe fera seront à ce titre déterminants, et nombreux sont les acteurs de la scène internationale qui attendent que l’Europe transforme son leadership sur les négociations environnementales par la mise en place de politiques adéquates. 


Le budget de l’Union, quoique limité, peut être un outil privilégié de mise en œuvre de cette politique, mais le budget actuel de l’Union demeure le reflet de priorités politiques anciennes essentiellement tournées vers la protection et le soutien de l’agriculture européenne. 


Trois organisations européennes reconnues &#45; l’IEEP (Turning the EU Budget into an Instrument to Support the Fight Against Climate Change), Green Alliance (Investing in our Future) et E3G (A European Budget for the Future) &#45; ont soumis des rapports à l’occasion du processus de réexamen. 


Il a paru important de les entendre ensemble et de rapprocher leur point de vue de ceux qui ont eu connu de l&#8217;intérieur le processus de réflexion des institutions européennes, avec un représentant du Conseil et un membre du Parlement.

 

Table ronde animée par Laurence Tubiana, directrice de l’Iddri et de la chaire développement durable de Sciences Po, en présence de: 

Stephen Hale, Director, Green Alliance 

Marc Pallemaerts, Senior Fellow and Head of Environmental Governance Research Team, IEEP 

Jesse Scott, Programme Leader, E3G 

Denis Simonneau, Directeur de Cabinet au Secrétaire d’État chargé des Affaires européennes 




La traduction simultanée anglais&#45;français sera assurée pendant la conférence.


Merci de bien vouloir confirmer votre participation avant le 13 juin 2008.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Activities</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2008-06-06T09:38:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Un budget européen pour l&#8217;avenir</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/un&#45;budget&#45;europeen&#45;pour&#45;lavenir/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/un-budget-europeen-pour-lavenir/#When:09:21:00Z</guid>
      <description>In April E3G submitted a thinkpiece to the European Commission’s consultation on the future of the EU Budget.


We’ve now produced a French version of our paper &#45; the summary follows below and the full version is attached in pdf format for download. 


We&#8217;ll be discussing this paper at an event in Paris on 16th June, hosted by IDDRI and Sciences Po.

Un budget européen pour l&#8217;avenir 
Principes pour la réforme du budget européen 

Nick Mabey, Jennifer Morgan, Jesse Scott, Rebecca Bertram

Résumé 

L&#8217;Europe a besoin d’un budget qui réponde aux défis futurs et non aux débats politiques passés. La révision du budget déterminera la forme du budget européen jusqu&#8217;en 2020 : il convient de procéder à un changement radical pour que le budget reflète effectivement les priorités futures des Européens. 


Le budget de l&#8217;UE représente seulement 1% du PIB européen, et ce pourcentage n’a pas cessé de diminuer au cours de ces 20 dernières années. Ce n’est non pas une augmentation insoutenable et inconsidérée du budget qui pourrait représenter un danger lors de cette révision du budget mais bien l’incapacité à déterminer des priorités claires. Centrer le débat sur les limites budgétaires à ce stade entraînerait un retour à de vieux reflexes, nuisibles au débat d’idées.


Le budget de l&#8217;UE est modeste et devrait donc se concentrer sur les secteurs qui présentent une haute valeur ajoutée dans les domaines où l&#8217;Europe a choisi d&#8217;agir de manière concertée. Le budget devrait refléter les priorités du traité de Lisbonne et privilégier, d’une part, les actions qui permettent d’asseoir le rôle européen dans le monde et, d’autre part, les infrastructures et innovations nécessaires pour mener à bien ce rôle. 


L&#8217;Europe est un chef de file dans le changement climatique, mais les priorités de l’Union que sont la sécurité énergétique et climatique ne sont pas inscrites dans le budget actuel. Il n’y a pas un seul État membre qui puisse investir dans un nouveau système d’énergie européen à faible taux d’émission de CO2, ou assurer l’investissement de taille nécessaire au développement de technologies telles que le captage et le stockage de CO2 ou l&#8217;énergie solaire concentrée. Des plans européens ambitieux pour la mise en place de nouvelles technologies et infrastructures n’ont toujours pas été financés, ce qui réduit d’autant plus la crédibilité européenne vis&#45;à&#45;vis du secteur industriel et des autres pays. Une option pourrait être de créer un nouveau budget &#45;limité dans le temps&#45; dédié à la sécurité énergétique et climatique, co&#45;financé par l’Union européenne et les États membres, qui inclurait la vente aux enchères de permis d’émission de CO2.


Les Européens ne pourront aspirer à la sécurité climatique que si les grands pays en développement tels que la Chine et l&#8217;Inde commencent à réduire leurs émissions de gaz à effet de serre. Ces pays sont encore pauvres et ont bien moins contribué au changement climatique que l&#8217;Europe. Pour obtenir un accord international, l&#8217;Europe pourrait avoir à dépenser entre 30 et 100 milliards d’euros par an pour aider ces pays à réduire leurs émissions ; le budget de l&#8217;UE apparaît être le relais logique pour assurer un partage équitable de ces coûts entre les différents Etats membres.


L&#8217;Europe doit relever des défis importants liés aux questions de migration, d&#8217;instabilité et de pauvreté qui touchent son voisinage immédiat ; le changement climatique ne fera qu’exacerber tous ces problèmes. Le budget devrait soutenir le nouveau service pour l&#8217;action extérieure de l&#8217;UE afin de trouver une solution à ces problèmes et de promouvoir la stabilité et la prospérité à long terme dans son voisinage.


Les citoyens européens estiment que le budget européen est à la fois une décision et un projet qui demeure éloigné de leurs propres réalités, et manque, qui plus est, de légitimité à leurs yeux. Les Européens devraient être directement consultés pour fixer les priorités budgétaires générales. Cette consultation pourrait pourrait prendre la forme d’un processus participatif – comme un sondage à caractère délibératif (deliberative polling) – en association avec le Parlement européen. Une option plus radicale consisterait à utiliser le processus électoral européen prévu en 2009 pour soumettre les priorités budgétaires directement au vote des citoyens.&amp;nbsp;</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Thinking</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2008-06-06T09:21:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Ein Budget für die Zukunft</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/ein&#45;budget&#45;fuer&#45;die&#45;zukunft/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/ein-budget-fuer-die-zukunft/#When:13:04:01Z</guid>
      <description>Last month E3G submitted a thinkpiece to the European Commission’s consultation on the future of the EU Budget. 


We&#8217;ve now produced a German version of our paper &#45; the summary follows below and the full version is attached in pdf format for download. 

Ein Budget für die Zukunft 
Prinzipien für die Reform des EU&#45;Haushalts 

Von Nick Mabey, Jennifer Morgan, Jesse Scott, Rebecca Bertram 

Zusammenfassung: 

Europa braucht einen Haushalt, der neuen Herausforderungen, nicht aber alten politischen Diskussionen gerecht wird. Das anstehende Haushaltsverfahren soll  das EU&#45;Budget  bis 2020 festlegen. Das erfordert einen grundlegenden Wandel,  damit  er die künftigen Prioritäten der Europäer angemessen widerspiegeln kann. 


Der EU&#45;Haushalt entspricht etwa einem Prozent  des gesamteuropäischen Bruttoinlandsprodukts,  wobei dieser Anteil in den vergangen 20 Jahren ständig geschrumpft ist. Die Gefahr liegt nicht etwa darin, dass der Haushalt wächst, sondern dass es wieder nicht gelingt, darin klar neue Prioritäten zu setzen. Wer sich heute ausschließlich auf die Finanzierbarkeit orientiert, wird unweigerlich in alte, rückwärtsgerichtete Muster abrutschen.


Weil der EU&#45;Haushalt nur einen geringen Umfang hat, sollten die Haushaltsverhandlungen darauf gerichtet sein, den Mehrwert für alle Europäer zu steigern, besonders auf den Feldern, auf denen die EU bereits gemeinsam auftritt. Der künftige Haushalt muss deshalb, auf der Grundlage des Vertrages von Lissabon, der EU dazu verhelfen, zum einen ihre internationale Gestaltungsfähigkeit zu erhöhen, zum anderen die europäische Infrastruktur so umzubauen, dass Innovation Europa&#45;weit gefördert wird.


Die Union hat in der internationalen Klimapolitik eine globale Führungsrolle übernmmen. Allerdings werden die neuen Klima&#45; und Energieprioritäten im Haushalt noch nicht widergespiegelt. Kein Mitgliedsland ist heute auf sich allein gestellt in der Lage, in ein neues europäisches kohlenstoffarmes Energiesystem zu investieren oder die erheblichen Investitionssummen für schadstoffarme Technologien, wie z.B. CCS aufzubringen. Ehrgeizige Pläne für neue Technologien und Infrastruktur scheitern immer noch an mangelnder Finanzierung, mit nachteiligen Folgen für die Glaubwürdigkeit das industrielle Ansehen und den internationalen Einfluß der EU. Um dem abzuhelfen, sollte ein Sonder&#45;Haushalt für Energie&#45; und Klimasicherheit erwogen werden, der von der EU und den Mitgliedstaaten zu finanzieren wäre. 


Die EU wird für sich keine Klimasicherheit erreichen, wenn nicht auch die wichtigsten Schwellenländer wie China und Indien ihre Emissionen rapide senken. Diese Länder sind oft unterentwickelt und haben in der Vergangenheit zur heutigen Klimakrise nicht beigetragen. Um ihre Zustimmung zu einem bindendeninternationalen Klima&#45;Abkommen zu gewinnen, wird die EU zwischen €30&#45;100 Milliarden bereitstellen müssen, damit diese Länder ihren Energiesektor entsprechend anpassen. Der EU&#45;Haushalt ermöglicht dafür  eine gerechte Lastenverteilung unter den Mitgliedsländern.


Die Europäische Union steht durch Migration und wachsende, von Armut bedingte Instabilität in seinen Nachbarregionen vor großen Herausforderungen, die durch den  Klimawandel zusätzlich verschärft werden. Deshalb sollte der EU&#45; Haushalt sich an der Finanzierung des im Vertrag von Lissabon vorgesehenen europäischen diplomatischen Dienstes beteiligen, um auf jene Regionen besser einwirken zu können. 


Der jetzige EU&#45;Haushalt ist für den europäischen Bürger zu fern und leidet daher unter einem Mangel an demokratischer Identifikationskraft. Deshalb ist es  für die Union vorrangig, die Prioritäten des Budgets mit jenen der europäischen Öffentlichkeit in Einklang zu bringen. Die Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament im Sommer 2009 böten die Möglichkeit, die Wähler auf dem Stimmzettel ihre Prioritäten ankreuzen zu lassen.&amp;nbsp;</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Thinking</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2008-05-08T13:04:01+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>A European Budget for the Future</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/a&#45;european&#45;budget&#45;for&#45;the&#45;future/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/a-european-budget-for-the-future/#When:09:30:00Z</guid>
      <description>The European Commission is currently undertaking a review of the EU Budget, with the aim of making it fit for the purposes of the 21st Century.


E3G has submitted a thinkpiece to the Commission&#8217;s consultation, and we will be working further on this topic over the coming months.


The summary of our paper follows below, the full version is attached in pdf format for download.

Summary
Europe needs a budget which reflects its future challenges, not its past political arguments. The budget review will effectively fix the shape of the European budget until 2020: there needs to be a radical shift if it is to reflect the future priorities of Europeans.


The EU budget is only 1% of European GDP, and this proportion has consistently fallen over the last 20 years. The danger of the budget review is not that it will result in an unsustainably expanded budget, but that it will fail to set clear priorities. Focus on budget limits at this stage will drive debate into old, backward looking patterns. 


The EU budget is small, and should be focused on areas of high added value where Europe has chosen to act together. The budget should reflect the Lisbon Treaty and be refocused on supporting a stronger European role in shaping a globalising world, and delivering the critical shared infrastructure and innovation needed to support this.


Europe has taken a global lead on climate change, but the priorities of energy and climate security are not reflected in the current budget. No one member state can invest in a new low carbon European power system, or provide the huge investment needed to develop technologies such as carbon capture and storage or concentrated solar power. Ambitious European plans for new technology and infrastructure are currently unfunded; reducing European credibility with industry and other countries. One option could be to create a new (time&#45;limited) energy and climate security budget, co&#45;financed by European and member state resources, including auctioning of carbon permits.


Europeans will not have climate security unless large developing countries such as China and India begin to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. These countries are still poor and have contributed far less to climate change than Europe. To deliver global agreement Europe may have to spend €30&#45;100 billion every year to help these countries decarbonise; the EU budget is the logical vehicle through which to fairly share these costs between countries.&amp;nbsp; 


Europe faces significant challenges of migration, instability and poverty in its immediate neighbourhood; climate change will exacerbate all these problems. The budget should provide greater support for the new External Action Service of the EU in tackling these issues, and promoting long term stability and prosperity.


European citizens feel that the European budget is a distant decision and project, and suffers from a lack of legitimacy. Europeans should be directly engaged in setting overall budget priorities. This could be done through a participative process – eg: deliberative polling – in association with the European Parliament. A more radical option is to use the 2009 European election process to put a question on budget priorities directly to citizens at the ballot.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Thinking</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2008-04-16T09:30:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Europa în lume: Romanian pamphlet now published</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/europa&#45;in&#45;lume&#45;romanian&#45;pamphlet&#45;now&#45;published/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/europa-in-lume-romanian-pamphlet-now-published/#When:11:31:00Z</guid>
      <description>Thanks to the support of our colleagues at the Regional Environmental Centre, the Romanian language version of our ‘Europe in the World’ pamphlet has now been published.


The full version of the pamphlet is attached here for download as a pdf [400Kb].


Following below is the summary to provide a taster of the pamphlet’s arguments about the future of the EU in an interdependent world.

Europa în lume: Decizii politice pentru siguranţă şi prosperitate

Europa nu reuşeşte să ia deciziile politice necesare pentru a garanta siguranţă şi prosperitate cetăţenilor ei într&#45;o lume interdependentă. Trebuie să cultive un nou sens al direcţiei pentru a face faţă cu succes provocărilor din anii următori. Broşura ‘Europa în lume’ prezintă cum se pot realiza toate acestea.


Pamphlet Cover Image
O nouă viziune pentru Europa în lume

Cele mai serioase probleme globale ale secolului XXI, de la terorism la schimbările climatice, de la migraţia în masă la crimă organizată, nu pot fi soluţionate prin acţiuni solitare, întreprinse de fiecare stat în parte. Acestea pot fi eliminate doar cu ajutorul puterii necoercitive dezvoltate de Europa în ultima jumătate de secol.


Europa deţine resursele economice, coeziunea socială şi organizarea politică care îi permit să realizeze acest lucru, dar are nevoie de o perspectivă modernă pentru cetăţenii săi, construită pe o viziune clară a locului său în lume. Această viziune ar trebui să redea încrederea cetăţenilor europeni şi să recurgă la resursele unice ale Europei pentru a răspunde provocărilor ridicate de interdependenţă. Va fi nevoie însă de o serie de decizii politice foarte diferite de cele actuale.


Deciziile politice pe care trebuie să le luăm acum vor contura viitorul Europei, obiectivele sale şi identitatea sa. Broşura ‘Europa în lume’ prezintă cinci decizii esenţiale:

Redefinirea succesului

Stabilirea unei cooperări intergeneraţionale

Obţinerea siguranţei energetice şi a siguranţei climatice

Investirea în prosperitatea Chinei

Un buget european pentru viitor.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2008-02-13T11:31:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Central and Eastern Europe’s climate change opportunity</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/central&#45;and&#45;eastern&#45;europes&#45;climate&#45;change&#45;opportunity/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/central-and-eastern-europes-climate-change-opportunity/#When:11:26:00Z</guid>
      <description>&#8220;Missing today’s chance to build a low&#45;carbon economy would be a costly mistake handed on to future generations&#8221;, is the argument we make in an opinion article published in the Regional Environmental Centre&#8217;s Green Horizons magazine.


A pdf version of the magazine is available for download from the Green Horizons website.

Central and Eastern Europe’s climate change opportunity
By Tom Burke, Chris Littlecott &amp;amp; Nick Mabey


We are living at a pivotal time in terms of Europe’s future, and taking the right decisions now could enable decades of investment in

clean technologies and smart infrastructure. This would ensure the creation of millions of good jobs across Europe and underpin the creation of a new, inclusive social contract. This is a one&#45;off opportunity for the direct development of a new ‘green industrial revolution.’


The citizens of CEE member states definitely want to part of this opportunity, but can they ensure that their leaders will look to the future rather than the past? The efforts of environmental organisations and civil society groups will be central to making sure that they do, and they could start by focusing attention on opportunities contained in the EU Budget Review.


The political context for action on climate change has improved over the past three years, while an upturn in economic growth has restored some much needed confidence. The European Commission (EC) in particular has recognised the importance of an outward&#45;looking and future&#45;focused European project. It has rightly identified the environment as a core issue that binds Europeans together. Strong leadership from former UK Prime Minister Blair, German Chancellor Merkel and EC President Barroso has helped to secure agreement on ambitious climate and energy aims.


But, of course, it is one thing for politicians to set a policy agenda, and a distinctly different challenge to actually follow through with action to reach those goals. Europe is now in a different phase. Its ability to rise to the climate change challenge is the litmus test of its legitimacy and practical value. The decisions taken now will shape the future of all of Europe and determine its place in the world.
The challenge for CEE member states
In January 2008, Bulgaria and Romania will celebrate their first anniversary as EU members. Their regional neighbours will then have been members for four years, and could quite rightly expect to lose the ‘new member state’ tag. Indeed, Slovenia will take over the reins of the EU presidency.


In the broad view, the enlargement of the EU to 25, and then 27, members has been a great success. As prosperity has improved steadily, so too has economic confidence—even if social confidence sometimes wanes as a consequence of changing patterns of family life.


Similarly, CEE member states have added a new dimension to EU politics. Their geographical position and historical experience has made them quick to grasp that the projection of Europe’s role in the world and the maintenance of security and prosperity at home are two sides of the same coin. They also know that, in an unstable world, they will be the border regions receiving environmental refugees and economic migrants. They have similarly made felt their hard&#45;won experience of liberty—on issues ranging from securing energy supplies to support for democracy worldwide.


Now these countries are facing, perhaps, their biggest test yet: namely, a transition of status within the EU. For the next two years should see not just an end to the EU’s internal institutional disputes that have plagued the recent past, but also the achievement of a global deal on climate change and the foundations for a radical new EU budget.


In all of these processes, the attitude and political leadership of CEE member states will be crucial for delivering an EU that can project its value into the future. The key question is whether CEE leaders will push forward as a motor for EU action with a politics of  opportunity; or will they retreat into a politics of poverty? The former alternative would seek to maximize today’s catalytic opportunities for economic modernisation and environmental sustainability, while the latter risks seeing the region leapfrogged by China and India in the deployment of new technologies. At present, the signs are mixed.

The politics of poverty
The recently launched EU Budget Review aims to identify how the EU should spend its money from 2013 onwards. Given the tortuous nature of budget politics, it may well be that any new approach might not be fully implemented until 2020. 


The review aims to ensure that EU spending adds value, rather than simply redistributing money that could be best spent directly by member states. It wants to make sure that EU spending is effective in achieving economic and social goals.&amp;nbsp; Recent decisions to increase transparency over the receipt of EU funds from the Common Agricultural Policy and Structural Funds are clear attempts to apply more pressure for their revision, which has caused a certain amount of unease that the review will look to cut funding to CEE countries.


At the same time, the EU is developing policy pathways to deliver up to 30% reductions in carbon emissions by 2020, with 20% targets for energy efficiency and renewables. It also plans to roll out a series of demonstration plants for carbon capture and storage technology (CCS). Yet CEE countries, instead of driving these debates forward, have responded to the National Allocation Plans for carbon emissions from the European Commission with legal challenges and protests that they are too severe and too expensive.


Driving this current defensive approach is the plea of ‘poverty.’ This is a tactic that has been used in the past by other new member states, but the subsequent rapid success of Ireland, Spain and others means that it has now lost much of its rhetorical power as a long&#45;term justification for funding. And this is certainly the case for most (although not all) CEE member states as they attempt to project this plea forward 13 years into the future. Given recent rates of growth and the general economic benefits of EU membership, the time is right for the region to pursue a more positive approach.


We must be very clear on this point: CEE member states rightly deserve significant financial support from the EU as they continue to modernise. That is not in question. What is in doubt, however, is what should be the focus of the funding. For the region has far more to gain by pushing for a radical new budget focused on the EU’s core added&#45;value activities, thereby placing major investments in energy and climate at the heart of the EU. 


Such a budget would give CEE leaders the opportunity to channel investment into the creation of a new clean&#45;energy economy, which would simply not be possible under the continuance of the old EU budget framework, designed as it was for the challenges of the 1980s.
The politics of opportunity
The transition to a low carbon economy is the best opportunity to modernise infrastructure, industry, housing stock and energy  production that we will ever see. It could possibly create and guarantee millions of new European jobs, improve energy security, and spur the renewal of low&#45;carbon, people&#45;friendly cities. It is vital that these changes are made now, as current fossil&#45;fuelled investments are continuing to tack on expensive liabilities for today’s younger generations, rather than creating new low&#45;carbon assets.


CEE countries are positioned to receive the greatest gains from this transformation. Major improvements in energy efficiency will increase energy security and improve trade balances, in addition to generating financial benefits through carbon trading. And the region’s population has strong technical, scientific and industrial skills that are all crucial for the successful development, manufacture and  deployment of new low&#45;carbon goods and services throughout Europe and beyond.


The key to securing all of these objectives will be effective investment, which will come from both public and private sources. By taking a positive stance on the EU Budget Reform, CEE leaders could leverage funding that will provide their economies with the low carbon foundations that will be needed in an era of increasingly severe energy and climate constraints. Used this way, EU money would pave the way for a major deployment of climate compatible electricity generation, low carbon transport systems, domestic and commercial energy efficiency improvements and widespread deployment of renewable energy technologies.


Such an approach would solve many political problems. It would demonstrate the EU’s relevance and added value, and would reduce the vulnerability of economies to energy price shocks and the political influence of energy exporters. It would also be a major step towards meeting climate targets and jobs and competitiveness goals, and would also strengthen the EU’s leadership capacity on climate change. Finally, it would be a major driver for greater prosperity and improved quality of life throughout the EU and beyond.


This article draws on E3G’s pamphlet titled: Europe in the World: Political choices for security and prosperity.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-12-17T11:26:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Europa w świecie: pamphlet launch event in Warsaw</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/europa&#45;w&#45;swiecie&#45;pamphlet&#45;launch&#45;event&#45;in&#45;warsaw/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/europa-w-swiecie-pamphlet-launch-event-in-warsaw/#When:10:19:01Z</guid>
      <description>To launch the publication of the Polish translation of our &#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; pamphlet, a discussion event was held in Warsaw on the 15th November 2007.


Organised by our colleagues at the Regional Environmental Centre in association with the Foundation for the Development of Polish Agriculture, the event was kindly hosted by British Ambassador Ric Todd at his official residence.


The event featured contributions from distinguished panelists Andrzej Kassenberg (President of the Institute for Sustainable Development) and Tomasz Podgajniak (former deputy minister of the environment) and debate continued late into the evening. 


Key themes to emerge were how Europe can communicate better the positive story of the employment benefits to come from tackling climate change, and the challenge of being a pathfinder for change in an interdependent world. 


Ambassador Ric Todd, Chris Littlecott and Jesse Scott of E3G, with Marta Kaczynska of REC Poland 


Debate panellists</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Activities, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-11-15T10:19:01+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Europa w świecie: Polish pamphlet now published</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/europa&#45;w&#45;swiecie&#45;polish&#45;pamphlet&#45;now&#45;published/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/europa-w-swiecie-polish-pamphlet-now-published/#When:09:28:01Z</guid>
      <description>Thanks to the support of our colleagues at the Regional Environmental Centre, the Polish language version of our ‘Europe in the World’ pamphlet has now been published.


The full version of the pamphlet is attached here for download as a pdf [1.4Mb].


Following below is the summary to provide a taster of the pamphlet’s arguments about the future of the EU in an interdependent world.

„Europa w świecie &#45; Wybory polityczne na rzecz bezpieczeństwa i dobrobytu”

Europie nie udaje się dokonać wyborów politycznych niezbędnych do zapewnienia jej obywatelom bezpieczeństwa i dobrobytu we współzależnym świecie. Jeżeli ma ona sprostać wyzwaniom nadchodzących lat, musi ona rozwijać swój odnowiony cel. Broszura zatytułowana „Europa w świecie” nakreś la sposób zrealizowania tego zadania.

Nowa wizja Europy w świecie
Narody działające w pojedynkę nie są w stanie rozwiązać największych problemów globalnych, które zdominują XXI wiek, od terroryzmu po zmiany klimatyczne, od masowej migracji po przestępczość zorganizowaną. Można je pomyślnie rozwiązać poprzez precyzyjne rozmieszczenie soft power, którą Europa wypracowała w cią gu ostatnich pięćdziesięciu lat.


Europa posiada potrzebne do tego zasoby gospodarcze, spójność społeczną i sojusz polityczny, ale potrzebuje ona jeszcze nowego prospektu przygotowanego dla jej obywateli, dotyczącego klarownej wizji miejsca Europy w świecie. Powinno to wzbudzić odnowione zaufanie w obywatelach Europy i wykorzystać wyjątkowe atuty Europy w sprostaniu wyzwaniom współzależności. Będzie to wymagało zupełnie innego zestawu wyborów politycznych niż ten obecnie proponowany.


Wybory polityczne, których musimy teraz dokonać, określą przyszłość Europy, jej cel i jej tożsamość. „Europa w świecie” przedstawia pięć decydujących wyborów:

Przedefiniowanie sukcesu 

Nawiązanie współpracy międzypokoleniowej

Osiągniecie bezpieczeństwa energetycznego i klimatycznego

Inwestowanie w odnoszące sukcesy Chiny

Budżet Europy na przyszłość.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-11-15T09:28:01+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Can Europe be a leader for sustainable development?</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/can&#45;europe&#45;be&#45;a&#45;leader&#45;for&#45;sustainable&#45;development/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/can-europe-be-a-leader-for-sustainable-development/#When:10:22:01Z</guid>
      <description>The 2007 World Science Forum in Budapest included two special sessions on the theme of &#8217;Investment in knowledge for sustainability&#8217;.


E3G Chief Executive participated in the second of these, speaking alongside Dennis Meadows and Wolfgang Sachs.


Nick&#8217;s presentation on the topic of &#8216;Can Europe be a leader for sustainable development?&#8217; is attached here as a pdf for download.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Thinking</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-11-09T10:22:01+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Investing in our future: a European budget for climate security</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/investing&#45;in&#45;our&#45;future&#45;a&#45;european&#45;budget&#45;for&#45;climate&#45;security/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/investing-in-our-future-a-european-budget-for-climate-security/#When:00:26:00Z</guid>
      <description>Stephen Hale and Stuart Singleton&#45;White of Green Alliance have just published an excellent pamphlet on the topic of the EU budget review, which they launched in Brussels on 17th October.


Their report teases apart the political significance of the EU&#8217;s stated aims on energy and climate security. They rightly focus attention on the need for the EU to match its aspirations with how it really spends its money. They go on to underline the importance of the newly&#45;launched EU budget review as an opportunity to shape future EU action, and make suggestions of priority areas for future spending.


I think that they&#8217;ve hit the nail on the head &#45; this budget review is incredibly significant politically as well as in respect to future policy delivery. But will any changes result without a shift in the political context? Member states still dominate the EU budget process &#45; perhaps it is time that the European Parliament pushed for greater citizen involvement to help shape the EU&#8217;s spending priorities? We&#8217;ll be doing some further thinking on this over the coming months.


Here&#8217;s some further details on the Green Alliance report:

Investing in our future: a European budget for climate security

The post war European Project has helped to bring peace and prosperity to increasing numbers of European citizens. Now in the 21st century climate change threatens that very peace and prosperity in Europe and across the world. Europe has a critical role to play in leading the global response to this threat. To do so a step change in commitment is needed.&amp;nbsp; 


Future European Union expenditure is an essential element of Europe’s response. Additional public investment is required to tackle climate change and to secure the commitment of the emerging economies and the poorest countries for a global effort on the scale needed. The EU budget review is a critical opportunity to re&#45;orient EU public investment and to show its citizens’ and the world that it means what it says. 


This report sets out the essential elements of future spending at the EU level, with a total annual cost of €32 to €38 billion. With sufficient political will, this could largely be secured through reform of cohesion funds and spending on agricultural support and rural development. It would also be possible to raise comparable revenues by the auctioning of allowances in the next phase of the EU’s emission trading scheme, due to start in 2013. Europe’s leaders have clear political choices to make in relation to both their spending on climate change and the sources of these funds. These choices must be grasped. A radical rethink of EU public investment is an essential part of Europe’s global leadership on climate change. Only by meeting this test can the citizens and the EU and the world be confident that those leaders mean business.


Further details and a download version of the report are available on the Green Alliance website.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-10-17T00:26:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>The Value of Pan&#45;European Citizen Deliberation</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/the&#45;value&#45;of&#45;pan&#45;european&#45;citizen&#45;deliberation/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/the-value-of-pan-european-citizen-deliberation/#When:23:54:00Z</guid>
      <description>The weekend of 11th&#45;13th October saw the first ever multi&#45;lingual and pan&#45;european deliberative poll take place in Brussels. E3G is a partner of this Tomorrow&#8217;s Europe initiative, and I was there to see how things took shape.


During the weekend I wrote an article for the dLiberation blog over on openDemocracy, which has been tracking the poll process. If you&#8217;d like to comment, I&#8217;d suggest you add to the debate over at the original posting.

The value of Pan&#45;European Citizen Deliberation
The Tomorrow&#8217;s Europe project is supported by 22 research institutes, thinktanks and non&#45;governmental organisations from across Europe. Their interests span the themes of public affairs, foreign policy, European integration and more.

So what exactly do they see as the value of deliberative polling? Chris Littlecott here provides a perspective from the environmental organisation E3G, one of the Tomorrow&#8217;s Europe partners.


The European Union is in a difficult position. It has never been more needed, but does it have the ability to act?


The core role of the EU is to add value to solving shared problems. Indeed, the dynamic of global interdependence is throwing up ever&#45;more complex problems which member states cannot respond to alone. From climate change to health pandemics and economic competitiveness, successful action requires both the coordination of member state efforts and a more proactive EU role on the international stage.


The recent institutional reform efforts have recognised this challenge. Both the failed constitution and the reform treaty currently under consideration aim to improve the EU&#8217;s ability to take decisions.


Yet in many ways there is a more deeply rooted political problem here that cannot be resolved by institutional reform efforts alone. This problem is one that goes beyond the everyday tensions between member state governments and EU institutions. That is to be expected when powerful bodies collide. Of course national governments try to take the credit when Europe does well, and accuse it when they themselves fail. Who would expect otherwise?


Instead, we need to recognise that there is a fundamental problem in how politics is structured which is being experienced in all the world&#8217;s prosperous and mature democracies. This is the breakdown of the traditional party system.


Prosperity brings with it a certain level of freedom from the politics of the past. As individual citizens have more control over their own lifestyles and the resources to pursue their choices, there is a dropping off of engagement with politics as a whole. Political parties no longer serve class interests for economic emancipation or protection. Instead, they must fight on the middle ground for the attention of the politically disinclined.


This dynamic doesn&#8217;t just manifest itself in lower voting levels and voter cynicism about the motives of apparently post&#45;ideological politicians. Party memberships have also fallen dramatically across the board, leaving parties at a distance from the base of society and in the managerial clutches of party workers and media operators.


This helps explain why party leaders no longer seem accountable directly to their party members, but must appeal over their heads to the electorate as a whole. Indeed, the role that parties once played in communicating political decisions directly to the electorate en masse (and in turn funnelling feedback to elected representatives) appears to have no chance of returning.


So why does this matter?


This crisis of political parties is a major component of the more generalised distrust in politics. Whenever voters get the chance to give this message, they don&#8217;t hesitate in doing so &#45; whether through electoral means or the growing forms of ‘new politics&#8217;.


And if we couple this deeper political dynamic with the inevitable tensions of cooperation between nation states and international institutions, we can see that national politicians face a difficult terrain. They must use the EU to reach their own goals, but the EU is even more removed from the popular imagination than their own national parliaments and politics. The incentives for politicians to talk and act ‘European&#8217; are weak.


So now, more than ever before, a political mandate is needed from European citizens for European action on core challenges.


On the positive side, and despite the absence of a ‘European demos&#8217;, polling data consistently shows that citizens across the EU would like to see more EU action on shared challenges, such as climate change. On the negative side, there is no effective means of translating this general alignment of citizen preferences into a political imperative for their member state politicians.


The crisis of political parties does not mean that we should abandon representative democracy. Instead, we must find ways to strengthen the relationship between representatives and citizens in ways that create new political space and fresh political energy for action on today&#8217;s most crucial challenges.


Pan&#45;european citizen deliberation is one such potential means. First, we have to see if it can work &#45; the plan D activities so far have indicated that it can, as is this weekend&#8217;s Tomorrow&#8217; Europe deliberative poll.


Then, such approaches need to be embedded into political structures so that they create effective mandates for action. The role of the European Parliament will be crucial here. By championing citizen engagement it can not only improve its own perceived legitimacy but strengthen its hand in advancing a European perspective.


We can&#8217;t seek to do away with the perennial tug&#45;of&#45;war between national governments and the European institutions. Instead, it is imperative that we find solutions that really do solve our shared problems. The role of the ‘ordinary&#8217; citizen will be central to overcoming this crisis of politics.&amp;nbsp;</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-10-12T23:54:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>EU Priorities: web poll highlights climate change</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/eu&#45;priorities&#45;web&#45;poll&#45;highlights&#45;climate&#45;change/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/eu-priorities-web-poll-highlights-climate-change/#When:08:49:00Z</guid>
      <description>I recently saw that the homepage of the European Commission’s Representation in the UK includes a web poll entitled “What should be the new main challenge for the EU?”


The top response so far is ‘Fighting climate change’ – way out in front of the other options.


Web poll image















It will be interesting to see if votes for ‘Making the institutions closer to the citizens’ increase as the debate about the reform treaty steps up a gear over the coming months here in the UK.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-08-30T08:49:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>&#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; on Caffe&#8217; Europa</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/europe&#45;in&#45;the&#45;world&#45;on&#45;caffe&#45;europa/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/europe-in-the-world-on-caffe-europa/#When:09:28:00Z</guid>
      <description>Following the launch of the Italian version of our &#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; pamphlet, Caffe&#8217; Europa web magazine has published the pamphlet&#8217;s concluding section on the political challenge facing Europe.


This was where we set out some ideas about how Europe could invest in democratic mechanisms that would buttress the creaking structures of party politics. 


Firstly, we suggested that the European Parliament should end its monthly commute between Brussels and Strasbourg, instead investing the money saved in democratic innovations.


Then, and setting a challenge on a bigger scale, we proposed that European citizens should be involved in setting the priorities for the EU budget. This could start with a deliberative poll and culminate in feedback from all citizens on the day of the next European Parliament elections


It&#8217;s great to see these ideas put forward by Caffe&#8217; Europa, as it is published by RESET, who have been closely involved in Italian efforts to promote deliberative polling.


Last year RESET were co&#45;organisers of poll in Regione Lazio on the local healthcare system. Further details are available in English from this press release, and an article by RESET&#8217;s Mauro Buonocore.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-06-07T09:28:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>The EU – a pilot for sustainability?</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/the&#45;eu&#45;a&#45;pilot&#45;for&#45;sustainability/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/the-eu-a-pilot-for-sustainability/#When:08:13:00Z</guid>
      <description>On the 25th of May, E3G’s Tom Burke and Nick Mabey participated in the discussion event:


“The EU – a pilot for sustainability? — The transition of Central and Eastern Europe as a regional and global opportunity for walking the talk”.


The discussion was organised by the Embassy of the Republic of Hungary in the United Kingdom and the Regional Environmental Center for Central and Eastern Europe.


Tom and Nick presented the argument made in the E3G ‘Europe in the World’ pamphlet. Themes of particular interest in the discussion included the opportunities stemming from investment in infrastructure in Central and Eastern Europe and the intra&#45;generational nature of the political and economic challenge facing Europe.


The event was led by Ambassador Borbála Czakó and also included speeches by Miklós Tátrai, senior state secretary, Ministry of Finance, Hungary; and Marta Szigeti Bonifert, executive director of the REC.


A report of the event and further photographs are available on the website of the REC.


Ambassador Borbála Czakó, Tom Burke, Marta Szigeti Bonifert,

Miklós Tátrai, and Nick Mabey at the Hungarian Embassy</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Activities, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-05-26T08:13:00+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>Confidence in a low&#45;carbon economy: John Ashton interview</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/confidence&#45;in&#45;a&#45;low&#45;carbon&#45;economy&#45;john&#45;ashton&#45;interview/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/confidence-in-a-low-carbon-economy-john-ashton-interview/#When:09:05:00Z</guid>
      <description>Europe must have confidence that by making low&#45;carbon choices it will become more competitive, prosperous and secure.


That’s the key theme of an interview with E3G Founding Director John Ashton, speaking in his role as Special Representative for Climate Change of the UK Foreign Office.


John also reflects on the nature of the political and diplomatic challenge faced, the role of Central and Eastern Europe, the need for confidence in engagement with China, and the way in which we define problems as ‘environmental’.


The interview was inspired by E3G’s ‘Europe in the World’ pamphlet, and featured in the Spring edition of Green Horizon magazine, published by the Regional Environmental Centre. The interview text follows here below. It is also published on the Green Horizon website, where a pdf version of the whole edition can be downloaded.

Confidence in a low&#45;carbon economy
by Pavel Antonov


Tuesday, 22 May 2007

While enjoying a cup of tea and leafing through a copy of The Independent, John Ashton, the UK’s special representative for climate change, explains how low&#45;carbon choices will make Europe more competitive, prosperous and secure.


Having just celebrated the 50th anniversary of the Rome Treaty, is Europe forgetting why it should be a leader in global sustainability?


In the middle of the second half of the 20th century, it was so evidently true that the sources of threats to European prosperity and security, as well as the economic opportunities, lay primarily within geographical Europe. The case now is that the main threats and opportunities lie outside our geographical frontiers.&amp;nbsp;
For example, the economic debate about globalisation in its current form is largely about competition from countries like China. We also have issues like climate change and terrorism, which simply cannot be dealt with through an exclusively European decision&#45;making process. 


Today’s threats and opportunities needs to be engaged at the source. A lot of that engagement has to be at European level, and it needs to be an engagement of scale – an engagement on the part of what has become the world’s largest single market. If we are to have a chance of accelerating China’s transition to a low&#45;carbon economy, it has to be an effort undertaken as Europe, rather than as individual member states. Harnessing the power of the world’s largest single market to the world’s fastest growing economy would create a transformational economic force felt globally.


I think that we need to develop a more outward&#45;looking debate about Europe. And it needs to be a more self&#45;confident debate. I think we’ve fallen into a mood of anxiety. Threats of terrorism, of climate change, of losing your job to competition from outside – all of these drive anxiety. Because of the anxiety that dominates our politics at the moment, we tend to underestimate our strengths, which lie in the social and institutional capital that’s embodied in the European project. Europe worries about losing jobs to China, but China worries about why it lacks the social safety nets that Europe has.


Speaking as a climate change ambassador, have you observed any positive changes in the European mindset?


There are some positive signs. The outcome of the European Council in March was extremely encouraging. It accomplished two things. Until now, the centre of gravity of elite opinion in Europe has been: “Climate change is, of course, a problem, but we need to be careful because strong policies to respond to it will undermine competitiveness.”

What’s happening now is the emergence of a new political synthesis, which says: “We need to be leading the global transition to a low&#45;carbon economy if we hope to remain competitive.”


This also comes at a time when there is real concern about the widening gap between European governments and elites on one hand […] and European citizens on the other. Many people have difficulty seeing why the “European project” is necessary in order to address the needs that they have. One thing is very clear: that both climate security and energy security are causing a great deal of concern to European citizens. Polling evidence tends to say that [European citizens] would like to see governments do more to address energy and climate.


So here you have Europe responding to that challenge – Europe making a proposition to citizens which addresses these concerns – and offering to build a low&#45;carbon economy before any other major economy builds it. This is a very significant shift of political gravity among European leaders.
You seem optimistic about Europe’s ability to accomplish the transition to a low&#45;carbon economy.


I am being quite measured in what I say. Nobody should suggest that it’s easy to build a low&#45;carbon economy. Big political questions will need to be resolved. We’re talking about at least three fundamental changes within the structure of the economy: the way we produce and consume energy; the way we achieve mobility; and the way we use land. Such deep economic restructuring will give rise to enormous distributional challenges. 


There will be a lot of arguments where one interest group says: “You’re asking us to bear too much of the pain, and you should put more of the pain onto other sectors.” The bigger question, however, is: What is the distribution of effort between tax payers, consumers and shareholders. 

I’m not trying to be optimistic or pessimistic, just simply pointing out what we have to do.


Does it worry you that the EU’s newest members could very likely put up a lot of resistance to such changes?


Yes, that is a concern. I know that, among the more sceptical voices in the EU on the package that came out from the European Council, many were from Central and Eastern countries [CEE]. 


A note of humility here: My knowledge of these countries is very limited, so I hesitate to pontificate in these circumstances. These countries are undergoing very far&#45;reaching transitions, with political consequences which need to be dealt with and absorbed. If you say to a society which is already making a difficult transition: “Here’s another transition you have to make!” it causes some anxiety and it’s hard to build support.


On the other hand, Europe has shown another very good capacity: to invest in the conditions that make transitions easier for countries. We need to build a proposition for the transition to low carbon that is politically attractive to all European member states. We cannot simply say “this is what we, the richer European economies, are going to do” and expect everybody else to join in. We have to say how we reach an equitable spread of both burden and opportunity across the continent. We have to ensure that the richer countries invest in the capacity of poorer countries to close that gap as quickly as possible.

Cohesion is something that Europe has been pretty good at. We need to build the low&#45;carbon idea into how we address those issues. Next year, there will be a review of the European budget, and part of that will look at structural funds. It’s an obvious question: How do you apply structural funds in a way that will deliver jobs, growth, rising living standards and faster transition to low carbon – particularly to those countries most in need of structural funds? That’s a very relevant question in terms of what we can do collectively to make it easier for CEE countries to be part of this transition.
What do you think Europeans need to be prepared to do without in order to build a low&#45;carbon economy?


It’s never very good politics to say to people that they should give things up, but we’re now beginning to understand the picture of low&#45;carbon economy in a lot more detail. The conclusion of the recent review by my colleague, Sir Nicholas Stern, was very clear: There will be some cost, but it won’t be overwhelming. The political problems of that cost will be disproportionately great because there will be distributional issues, and distributional politics is always very difficult. But, against the background of a healthy and attractive prospect of welfare and prosperity, I do not think this is predominantly about cost and sacrifice – I think it’s much more about opportunity. There are huge opportunities in building a low&#45;carbon economy.


Let’s be very specific. We’ve had a fairly substantial increase over the last two years in the cost of electricity, and even more in the cost of natural gas [in the UK], for structural and investment reasons which we are now overcoming. So the costs of natural gas and electricity are now falling or about to fall. At the beginning of that process people said: “This is terrible, this is going to ruin the economy.” Energy&#45;intensive industries in particular were saying that. But actually, the effect on the economy has not been significant. We’ve been able to adsorb higher energy prices, and that is very revealing because the concern about climate change is largely a concern over higher energy prices – the impact of climate change on competitiveness. 


What is very important is to make sure that we move as quickly as possible from debating these issues on the basis of rhetoric to doing it on the basis of analysis. This is why the Stern review was so important. It started to give us an analytical base about these very difficult political debates about competitiveness, jobs and growth that we are going to have as part of this transition. But the dominant feature of that process will be about opportunities, rather than about sacrifices. And my opinion is analytical, rather than instinctively optimistic.


The Independent ran on its front page a list of “50 reasons to love the EU” – and reason number 16 is: “Europe is helping to save the planet with regulatory cuts of CO2.” With prosperity, the common market and consumer rights ranked third through fifth, doesn’t it seem that there needs to be a bit more love for addressing climate change?


The language of this question is very revealing – let’s deconstruct it. To “save the planet” is an environmental proposition. I think the most fundamental thing about a successful response to climate change is building a sense that this is not primarily about the environment. This is about prosperity and security.


We won’t be secure, and we won’t be prosperous unless we are effective in responding to climate change. It’s not about the planet – it’s about us. There is a kind of assumption – as soon as you say “environment” – that this is separate from the economy. This is about the fundamentals of the economy. If you want a healthy economy, you have to address climate change, which is what the Spring Council was saying. So I don’t think that talking about saving the planet takes you to the heart of the matter.
And then [The Independent] mentions “regulatory cuts in CO2.” Of course, you have to have an economy which is less carbon intensive. But to describe it in that way is misleading. It sounds like marginal changes to one aspect to the economy. It’s not! It’s a fundamental reform of the economy. So I would say a very different thing: “Building a low&#45;carbon economy.”


There will certainly be cuts in CO2, but you will have all kinds of benefits – prosperity, security, environmental and health benefits, and many other benefits. The language matters. The framing of the issue matters enormously. A great deal of effort has been invested over the years by people who do not want to see progress in climate change, in trying to make sure that as much of the debate as possible is framed in exactly that way: “This is about cuts, this is about sacrifice, this is about more bills for tax payers, for householders, and this about the planet rather than about you!” We need to understand what’s going on here and make sure we frame the debate in a more effective way.


How tough do you need to be when arguing this at international negotiations?


First of all, it isn’t about negotiations. Once you get to the point of negotiations, it’s too late. This is about trying a political foundation for a certain direction in society. That is an upstream process, and you have to invest in creating political conditions. Negotiation is a downstream phase. It takes place within the limits of the possible at the time: People have positions, they have bottom lines, and they try to extract as much as they can from other people and meet their bottom lines. Unless we get the fundamental political conditions right, the limits of the possible will be too narrow.


 I will give you an example: One of the things that we need to do as we drive this transition is to release a considerable amount of public investment to accelerate the deployment of low&#45;carbon technologies. For very understandable reasons, public investment is very difficult. You can only get that if politics allows you to get it, and we need that political permission – otherwise we won’t make the transition fast enough. This was another message of the Stern Review: One dimension of climate change work will certainly be public investment.


Structural funds are public investment. So the issue is: How do you focus them, and what do you get in return? There’s huge opportunity in the fact that CEE countries are already undergoing a transition and that a lot of new infrastructure is being built. When you build infrastructure, you lock a certain structure of your economy into place that will last for generations. 


[Then it’s a question of] what kind of economy you want to build: high&#45;carbon or low&#45;carbon infrastructure? Do you want an infrastructure which encourages a lot of short&#45;haul air travel, which is going to be very emissions intensive, or one which favours train travel, which is less emissions intensive but requires investment? Choices are made by default if you don’t think about them – if you don’t consider the alternatives. In many cases, we’ve built economies without making those choices because we didn’t articulate the alternatives. In this case we need to articulate the alternatives.
What is the biggest obstacle to building a low&#45;carbon economy?


Lack of self&#45;confidence. Let’s take China. We have a debate about China in Europe, which is actually very one&#45;dimensional, and it’s driven entirely by concern about disinvestment, competition and losing jobs. We probably both fail to understand the interdependence between our two economies. We will only capture the opportunities that arise from that interdependence if we make an effort to understand the complexity. And we’ll only make that effort if we are confident to do so – if we’re confident enough to lift ourselves above the debate just about competition about the labour productivity of capital. 


There are quite a few salient features of that interdependence. For my generation of Europeans it’s very important that China continues to flourish. I need European pension funds to invest in a rapidly growing Chinese economy, to get the necessary returns, to pay me a pension. The same applies to you [in CEE]. 


Furthermore, not only is China growing rapidly, it’s creating new capacity to innovate faster than any other economy in the world. That’s an asset not only for China, but in order to realise its value you have to engage with it. For example, if you want to bring low carbon technology into rapid deployment, the fastest and cheapest place to bring them to maturity – so that you can bring down the unit cost – is China. So we have to ask, on the basis of where we got in the spring Council: How do we reflect this in our economic relationships with our major partners? What are the trade and investment frameworks between Europe and China that will accelerate a low&#45;carbon transition in both our economies? 


We need to look right across the economic relationship with China and with our other major partners, and to say how we can use these relationships to amplify the signal that we initiated at the Spring Council. That will make us and our partners able to build low&#45;carbon societies faster than we otherwise would. 


At the moment, there’s a real question of whether we have that confidence to do that. So, those of us who want to see the transition need to be asking ourselves how to build that confidence. How can we build a vocation which is outward&#45;looking and self&#45;confident, and therefore capable of bearing the weight of these policy structures that we need to build to drive the transition?


What do you believe is the first step to be made?


One thing I would focus very much on is the European budget. We know we have to modernise the budget anyway, and we’ve agreed to have a review of it next year. Part of that review should explain how we can have a budget for energy and climate security in the same way that we had a budget for food security 60 years ago. We need a budget for today’s problems, rather than a budget for yesterday’s problems.


This interview was inspired by E3G’s “Europe in the World: Political choices for security and prosperity” pamphlet, which can be found at www.europeintheworld.eu.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-05-22T09:05:00+00:00</dc:date>
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      <title>L’Europa nel Mondo: Speech by British Ambassador</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/leuropa&#45;nel&#45;mondo&#45;speech&#45;by&#45;british&#45;ambassador/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/leuropa-nel-mondo-speech-by-british-ambassador/#When:14:11:00Z</guid>
      <description>The launch of the Italian version of E3G&#8217;s &#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; pamphlet was held in Rome on 16th May at Villa Wolkonsky, the residence of the British Ambassador.


Ambassador Edward Chaplin gave an introductory speech to the event, focusing on the role Europe can play in responding to the double challenge of energy security and climate security.


The text of the Ambassador&#8217;s speech follows below, and is also published on the Embassy website.

Europe in the world: political choices for security and prosperity

Launch of the E3G pamphlet, in asociation with Fondazione Willy Brandt, Villa Wolkonsky, Rome.


Opening address by British Ambassador Edward Chaplin, 16th May 2007.


I&#8217;m very pleased to welcome you to Villa Wolkonsky today for the publication of the Italian version of the pamphlet &#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; produced by the independent organisation E3G. I&#8217;m very pleased to welcome some of the authors of that report here today, and the Director General of Environment, Corrado Clini, who played a large part in its development.


Ambassador Edward Chaplin

The subtitle of the pamphlet is &#8220;political choices for security and prosperity&#8221;. And it&#8217;s those issues of security and prosperity I want to focus on today. We have recently celebrated 50 years of the European Union. I think this report sets out very clearly some of the achievements we have made over this period. Achievements which, as the report says, we inside the EU don&#8217;t always recognise as fully as we should, but which are clearly visible to those outside, including those neighbouring countries who see entry into the European Union as a safeguard for their own security and prosperity.


The EU was established following two European wars and the devastation they left in social and economic terms for our citizens. The European Union (and its predecessor organisations) has established half a century of peaceful cooperation between its members, with the economic prosperity that flows from such a period of stability.&amp;nbsp;
One thing that struck me about this report was the comparison between the challenges the European Union faces now, with those it faced at its inception 50 years ago. I&#8217;d like to highlight just one comparison.


The report says that energy and climate security must become central to the work of the EU in the way that food security was in the past. The over&#45;riding challenge when the EU was created, in the aftermath of the 2nd World War, was how to feed our citizens. Self&#45;sufficiency in agriculture was core to our security, health and prosperity. Whatever criticisms there are of the Common Agricultural Policy &#45; and there are many, which I won&#8217;t go into here! &#45; it more than succeeded in its initial objective of producing enough food for Europe&#8217;s population.


Today we face an equally large and serious challenge. I&#8217;m talking about the challenge of energy security and the related issue of climate security. I agree with the statement in the report that climate and energy security are two sides of the same coin, so I address them here as one single challenge.


This is another challenge that affects the security, health and prosperity of our citizens. We only have to look at the costs in both human and economic terms of the heatwaves and floods Europe has experienced over recent years to see that. And what were once termed &#8220;extreme&#8221; weather conditions are predicted to become &#8220;normal&#8221; patterns over the coming decades, with the implications that has for our health and prosperity.


This is why the debate about climate change is moving out of the narrow confines of being an environmental issue, to become a social, economic and security issue.


Last month the UK initiated a debate in the United Nations Security Council, under our Presidency, on Climate Security. Many wondered why a body such as the Security Council should be considering climate change.


I think that was answered by the interventions of representatives from some of those countries most at risk. The Congolese delegate said &#8220;this will not be the first time people have fought over land, water and resources, but this time it will be on a scale that dwarfs the conflicts of the past&#8221;. The Ghanaian representative spoke about nomadic cattle herdsmen arming themselves with assault rifles to confront local farming communities.&amp;nbsp;
The debate came the day after the Security Council had been discussing Darfur. A conflict in which 200,000 people have already died and a conflict which also sees the same struggle between nomadic and pastoral communities over increasingly scarce resources.


This week the charity Christian Aid predicted that the effects of climate change could make at least one billion people homeless by 2050, with all the consequences that would have for security. The chilling phrase they used to describe the possible scenario was &#8220;a world of many more Darfurs&#8221;.


I believe this is an area where Europe is demonstrating real global leadership, and can continue to do so. The targets agreed at the European Spring Council on emissions, renewable energy and energy efficiency set an ambitious course for EU member states and laid down a challenge to other nations. Italy and the UK are now working closely together &#45; along with Germany and France &#45; to get the G8 to match this level of ambition.


If Europe over the last 50 years has been predominantly inward looking &#45; developing the single market, its own institutions and so on &#45; over the next 50 years it will become increasingly outward looking. It will be more and more concerned about its role in the world, about the challenges and opportunities of globalisation, and about its relationship with the economic powers of the US and, increasingly China.


The report produced by E3G is a very timely and interesting contribution to the debate we need to be having over Europe&#8217;s future direction. In addressing the challenges Europe faces in a globalised world &#45; above all the issues of energy and climate change &#45; and the need to connect Europe to its citizens the report touches on issues which are fundamental to the future direction of the European Union.


In marking the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome Prime Minister Prodi spoke of the need to celebrate what Europe had achieved and look ahead to &#8220;the Europe we still need to construct&#8221;. In doing so he identified the need to create a model of &#8220;peace, stability, solidarity and prosperity&#8221; to manage the social, economic and environmental challenges ahead. These are the challenges we face and which the UK and Italy can work together to tackle. I&#8217;m grateful for this contribution to the debate ahead and I hope today&#8217;s discussions can further strengthen the cooperation between the UK and Italy for the challenges to come.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Activities, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-05-21T14:11:00+00:00</dc:date>
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      <title>L&#8217;Europa nel Mondo: Italian pamphlet now published</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/leuropa&#45;nel&#45;mondo&#45;italian&#45;pamphlet&#45;now&#45;published/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/leuropa-nel-mondo-italian-pamphlet-now-published/#When:09:23:00Z</guid>
      <description>The Italian version of E3G&#8217;s pamphlet &#8216;Europe in the World: political choices for security and prosperity&#8217; is now ready. 


We&#8217;ll be launching the printed version tomorrow in Rome. Attached here for download is a pdf version of the pamphlet.


The publication of this translated version has been sponsored by the Fondazione Willy Brandt &#45; many thanks to them for all their support.


We would be delighted to receive feedback on this new version &#45; do let us know what you think.


Italian pamphlet cover image</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Thinking, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-05-15T09:23:00+00:00</dc:date>
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      <title>Invitation: Sustainable Europe event at Hungarian Embassy</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/invitation&#45;sustainable&#45;europe&#45;event&#45;at&#45;hungarian&#45;embassy/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/invitation-sustainable-europe-event-at-hungarian-embassy/#When:13:09:00Z</guid>
      <description>E3G is pleased to be participating in a forthcoming event organised by The Embassy of the Republic of Hungary and the Regional Environmental Center for Central and Eastern Europe.


The discussion event will take place on the morning of the 25th May and will be entitled &#8220;The EU – a pilot for sustainability?: The transition of Central and Eastern Europe as a regional and global opportunity for walking the talk&#8221;.


In the last two decades, Europe has been occupied with the handling of three major political processes running in parallel: the conflict between environment and development threatening the world economy, the security challenge of the collapse of the Soviet empire, and the legal and logistic upheavals of the “exponential” enlargement of the EU.


The event will provide an opportunity to assess the current situation and to discuss the future role of Central Europe, Eastern Europe, and the Mediterranean in these efforts.



Event details

Date: 25th May 2007.&amp;nbsp;     8.30 – 13.00


Venue: The Embassy of the Republic of Hungary; 35 Eaton Place, SW1X 8BY, London


Draft agenda


8:30     Coffee, registration


9:00     Welcome – Ambassador Borbála Czakó 


9:10     Europe in the world – introduction by Mr.Tom Burke, Adviser at the UK Foreign Office (Founding Director of E3G, Visiting Professor at Imperial and University College London)


9:40     Political and economic solutions – do we have any at EU level? – Mr. Nick Mabey, E3G


10:10   Challenge, chance and conditions for proving the EU&#8217;s climate change proposals at home – Dr. Corrado Clini, Director General, Italian Ministry for the Environment, Land and Sea     


10.35   Challenges of Climate Change in Hungary – Mr. Miklos Tatrai, Senior State Secretary, Ministry of Finance, Hungary  


11:00   The EU &#8220;SWOT of sustainability” after the enlargement – Mrs. Marta Szigeti Bonifert, Executive Director, REC 


11:15   Debate – introduced and led by Ambassador Borbála Czako


12:00  Buffet lunch



RSVP:&amp;nbsp;  Email: TVona@kum.hu, EKring@kum.hu                  

             Tel: 020 7201 3447</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Activities</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-05-14T13:09:00+00:00</dc:date>
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      <title>Invitation: Can Europe lead the world to a stable climate?</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/invitation&#45;can&#45;europe&#45;lead&#45;the&#45;world&#45;to&#45;a&#45;stable&#45;climate/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/invitation-can-europe-lead-the-world-to-a-stable-climate/#When:10:33:00Z</guid>
      <description>The latest in Green Alliance&#8217;s soap box series of debates will take place at 6.30pm on the 16th May, focused on the question Can Europe lead the world to a stable climate?.


As coincidence would have it, E3G will be in Rome that day launching the Italian version of our &#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; pamphlet, which includes some of our thoughts on precisely this issue. We&#8217;re disappointed to miss the Green Alliance debate but delighted to see that our great friend Ian Christie will be taking part. Details of the event follow below.

Can Europe lead the world to a stable climate?

How can Europe’s leaders be persuaded to show greater commitment and leadership on climate change? The issue has risen dramatically up the European political agenda over the past twelve months. It is seen by some as the issue that can re&#45;connect Europe to its citizens. But commitment varies hugely across the continent, and even the more supportive European leaders are schizophrenic at best when it comes to backing rhetoric with action. The climate change and energy package proposed by the Commission in January was resisted by many member states. How can we broaden and deepen Europe’s commitment to tackling climate change?


Four speakers from a range of perspectives will kick&#45;start this debate with brief opening statements:

Pierre Schellekens, deputy head of cabinet of EU environment commissioner Stavros Dimas;

Martin Kremer, German embassy science attache, personal advisor on climate and energy to Ambassador Ischinger;

Ian Christie, Green Alliance associate and author of Green Alliance pamphlet Sustaining Europe;

Stephan Singer, Head of European Climate and Energy Policy Unit, WWF.




This will be a participative event, with plenty of time for contributions from a high level audience from politics, business and the environmental movement to debate this critical issue. The event will be followed at 8pm by a drinks and canapés reception.


If you have an interest in attending this event please contact Kathryn Cook at Green Alliance.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-05-09T10:33:00+00:00</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <title>L&#8217;Europa nel Mondo: Italian pamphlet launch event</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/leuropa&#45;nel&#45;mondo&#45;italian&#45;pamphlet&#45;launch&#45;event/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/leuropa-nel-mondo-italian-pamphlet-launch-event/#When:10:26:01Z</guid>
      <description>Next week E3G will be in Rome to launch the Italian version of our &#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; pamphlet, production of which has been sponsored by the Fondazione Willy Brandt.


The launch event will be held from 10.30am on Wednesday 16th May at Villa Wolkonsky, the Residence of the British Ambassador, and will be introduced by the Ambassador Mr Edward Chaplin.


E3G Founding Directors and pamphlet authors Tom Burke and Nick Mabey will speak, followed by a discussion moderated by Piero Ostellino of Corriere della Sera.


Also participating in the discussion will be:

Corrado Clini &#45; Director General, Italian Environment Ministry; 

Marta Dassù &#45; Editor of Aspenia magazine;

Piero Gnudi &#45; Chairman of Enel;

Nicola Rossi &#45; Member of Parliament.




A pdf version of the event invitation is attached. Please contact us if you would like to attend.&amp;nbsp;</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Activities, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-05-09T10:26:01+00:00</dc:date>
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      <title>European Parliament: climate emissions and democratic leadership</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/european&#45;parliament&#45;climate&#45;emissions&#45;and&#45;democratic&#45;leadership/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/european-parliament-climate-emissions-and-democratic-leadership/#When:08:21:00Z</guid>
      <description>An independent study commissioned by Green MEPs Caroline Lucas and Jean Lambert has revealed that the double seat arrangement of the European Parliament generates at least 20,000 extra tones of CO2 emissions – hastening climate change. But only a unanimous decision by Member States can change this situation.


The report, written by the consultancy Eco&#45;Logica, was presented in Strasbourg on 25th April. It is the first evidence&#45;based study of the climate change implications of moving the entire European Parliament from Brussels to Strasbourg for four days a month. 


It shows that keeping the split site arrangement costs EU taxpayers more than €200m a year and generates an extra 20,268 tonnes of completely unnecessary additional carbon dioxide emissions every year.


The study reports that ending the once a month Strasbourg parliamentary sessions would cut at a stroke the need for 2,650 offices, a debating chamber and nearly 50 conference rooms, most with full translation facilities that currently lie empty for 307 days a year. That could cut emissions by 3,928 tonnes of CO2 just in electricity and gas alone.

Attacked from many fronts

Strasbourg’s position as one of the official seats of the European Parliament has been enshrined in the EU treaty since 1992. Only a unanimous decision by the 27 member states could change this provision. 


The report sponsored by Green Party MEPs isn’t the first attempt to change this situation. Indeed, a recent online petition signed by 1 million EU citizens featured on the reform agenda of two of the candidates who ran for the institution’s presidency in January. 


Policy&#45;makers, MEPS and academics have long supported the shift from inefficient use of resources to one which is more coherent with the EU’s ethos on the environment. Back in 2003, MEPs Nick Clegg and Michiel van Hulten authored an influential paper titled ‘Reforming the European Parliament’. This presented six recommendations to improve the functioning of the EP. Top priority amongst these was scrapping the seat in Strasbourg – which could have the effect of enhancing the efficiency of the Parliament and saving taxpayers money while simultaneously reinvigorating public confidence and trust in the institution. 


The E3G ‘Europe in the World’ pamphlet published in December 2006 also made the case for stopping the monthly visit to Strasbourg, suggesting instead that


The massive savings to be made by abandoning the monthly European Parliament commute between Brussels and Strasburg should be invested in the development and application of the best of the deliberative and participatory processes currently being undertaken across Europe”


Rather than moving MEPs, their filing cabinets, assistants and Parliament officials between locations each month, it would be far better to bring citizens closer into the European democratic conversation through novel deliberative approaches. The pamphlet makes the case that the potential return on this investment in terms of legitimacy and citizen engagement would be huge.


The Greens and the EFA group have focused their recent efforts on more concrete measures to improve the EP’s impact on the climate. On the same day as the Eco&#45;Logica report was presented, they also published a paper advocating measures such switching to green electricity or investigating alternatives to the multitude of annual parliamentary delegations &#45; using video conferencing instead of flying to every destination for example.


This is much a political exercise as it is one of good housekeeping. Speaking at the launch of the reports, the Greens energy spokesperson Claude Turmes and co&#45;President Monica Frassoni rightly pointed out that


The European Parliament is set to vote today to constitute a temporary committee on climate change. Before we start throwing stones however, we should make sure that our own house or houses are in order. It is seriously damaging to the EP&#8217;s credibility to have its MEPs chauffeur&#45;driven in gas&#45;guzzling cars, while working on legislation to set targets for EU car emissions, or to be debating EU renewables targets when 0% of the EP&#8217;s energy comes from renewable sources. The EP has to lead not only in rhetoric but also in its actions”


Now that’s a message that could be applied to much of the EU as a whole, not just the European Parliament. It will be interesting to see if MEPs can take a lead over the coming months.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-05-03T08:21:00+00:00</dc:date>
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      <title>Barroso focusses on the future</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/barroso&#45;focusses&#45;on&#45;the&#45;future/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/barroso-focusses-on-the-future/#When:13:37:01Z</guid>
      <description>Over recent weeks, European Commission President José Manuel Barroso has been setting out a strong line on the need for Europe to look out at the world if it is to meet its future challenges.


Following below are extracts from his speech to the European Parliament in Strasbourg on 17 January 2007. I&#8217;ve highlighted some of his key phrases. 


It&#8217;s great to see a senior European leader focussing on the issues we have been discussing over the last couple of years &#45; the key question is whether the Member States back his proposals.

Barroso Speech to European Parliament, 17th January 2007

...2007 is a crucial year. Our 50th anniversary is a time to celebrate past achievements, and to build on those achievements to the benefit of a new generation of Europeans. A generation for whom Europe&#8217;s original rationale is in the past, but for whom Europe can and does offer so much for the future. 


...The German Presidency offers an opportunity to demonstrate why the European Union matters so much in the age of globalisation. Let us take the March European Council. The Commission&#8217;s proposals last week on energy and climate change form a central part of the Lisbon agenda for growth and jobs. 


These are issues which touch the lives of every European. Where Europe must continue to show leadership. And where the European dimension is absolutely essential. You cannot tackle global warming; you cannot deliver sustainable, secure and competitive energy, without Europe. 


What must be agreed at the European Council in March? 


Firstly, the strategic goal of agreement by developed countries to cut their emissions by 30% by 2020, essential to ensure that global temperatures exceed pre&#45;industrial levels by no more than 2°C.


Europe must continue to lead, and to provide an incentive for others to follow. The leadership comes with the EU commitment now to at least a 20% cut in emissions by 2020; the incentive by making clear that we will go further if others join us. It is, after all, global warming not European warming. 


Secondly, three pillars to deliver our objectives of sustainable, secure and competitive energy. 


A single market in practice as well as on paper, to give real choice to EU energy users and to trigger investment. This will require a clearer separation of energy production from energy distribution, and stronger independent regulatory control with a European dimension. 


The Commission also makes proposals on improved interconnections, on transparency, and on a new Customers&#8217; Energy Charter. 


A 20% target for energy efficiency by 2020, with detailed proposals for how to get there. 

A new drive for clean energy, through a binding commitment to triple renewable energy use by 2020; a 50% annual increase in the energy research budget; and commitments to advance clean hydrocarbon technology. There is a role for the European Institute of Technology in this. 


It is essential to hear the Parliament&#8217;s voice on these issues in the run up to the March European Council. The EU could find no better way to launch its anniversary than by showing its ambitions for the future. 


This is the first part of the twin track approach, of policy delivery for Europe&#8217;s citizens, alongside working towards an constitutional settlement; starting with the Berlin declaration, which the Commission proposed last May, and the European Council agreed in June. 


The Berlin Declaration is an opportunity for the Member States to commit themselves to the values and aims of the European Union. 


It must look forward and deliver a political statement about the Europe we want for the next fifty years. It must fully involve the Parliament and the Commission.


It provides an opportunity for the twelve member states that joined in 2004 and 2007 to contribute, as full members, to the vision of our common future. 


It is appropriate that the Declaration, a declaration for the future of Europe, will be signed in Berlin, the symbol of a reunited Europe. 


What should this Declaration say? I think today&#8217;s leaders should stand on the shoulders of the founding fathers, and look ahead to the next 50 years. To the challenges which could not be imagined in 1957 but which Europe must face in 2007. Put simply, to equip Europeans for globalisation, in a Europe of open economies, open societies, in a Europe which must engage with citizens, not ignore them. A Europe built on citizens&#8217; consent has solid foundations. A Europe which does not work for that consent is built on sand. 


I have five concrete proposals for the Declaration. 


(i) Solidarity. An enlarged and open Europe requires greater cohesion – social cohesion as well as economic. 


(ii) Sustainability. The fight against climate change, through energy and other policies, should be a defining mission for Europe&#8217;s future. 


(iii) Accountability. Transparency and access to information should become not only rights for European citizens but also obligations for Europe&#8217;s institutions. 


(iv) Security. Europe must guarantee the security of its citizens whilst preserving fundamental freedoms. 


(v) Promote Europe&#8217;s values in the world, as well as its interests. Sustainability, accountability, solidarity, security cannot, indeed must not stop at Europe&#8217;s borders. 


Chancellor, Honourable members. 


Five specific suggestions for the Berlin declaration. A declaration which should create the momentum to settle the institutional question. Chancellor Merkel has set out the Presidency&#8217;s ambitions. We need, by the end of the Presidency, a common road map towards an institutional settlement, before the next European elections in 2009. 


But we need not just the road map. We need the settlement; to clear the clouds of doubt which hang over parts of Europe, to show vitality and confidence to our partners, and to make the European Union more transparent, more effective and more democratic. As I have said before, Nice is not enough. 


We cannot build tomorrow&#8217;s Europe with yesterday&#8217;s tools. We have a great opportunity to start changing that in the next six months. Let us go to work.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-02-27T13:37:01+00:00</dc:date>
    </item>

    <item>
      <title>A challenge for Europe&#8217;s leaders</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/a&#45;challenge&#45;for&#45;europes&#45;leaders/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/a-challenge-for-europes-leaders/#When:13:29:01Z</guid>
      <description>It seems that José Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission, is undertaking a high&#45;risk re&#45;election strategy as the end of his term in office comes into view. He certainly had strong words to say about some of his fellow politicians in a speech to the European Parliament last week.


But before getting to the political backbiting, let&#8217;s focus on the positive. Barroso is really pushing the message that Europe must be prepared to look outside itself it is to ensure the security and prosperity of its citizens:


...only through a shared undertaking are we able to provide the answers to our citizens in the global world of the 21st century.&#8221; 


Barroso then went on to place into context the forthcoming Berlin declaration on the 50th Anniversary of the EU:


This Declaration&#8230; represents a real common point of reference – a confirmation of what the European Union is for, and a mission statement for what we want to achieve in the twenty first century.


I am convinced that if Europeans see the European Union addressing globalisation, promoting economic growth and jobs, showing solidarity, tackling climate change, bringing security to its citizens, defending our values and interests worldwide – then they will trust the European Union to reform itself to meet tomorrow&#8217;s challenges and to deliver results.


But here comes the sting in the tail for at least some of Europe&#8217;s politicians. It seems that Barroso had some individuals in mind &#45; any suggestions?


Regarding their positions about Europe, sometimes certain politicians remind me of James Mill. In fact, John Stuart Mill once said that his father loved mankind in general, but hated each person in particular. We also see many that profess their love for Europe in general, but then resist common solutions to particular initiatives such as energy, climate change, immigration, and of course the institutional settlement. We do not need declarations of intentions but what we need is commitment. And, we face decisive tests in the near future, starting with the energy and climate change package in the European Council in March.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-02-27T13:29:01+00:00</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <title>A participative budget for the EU</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/a&#45;participative&#45;budget&#45;for&#45;the&#45;eu/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/a-participative-budget-for-the-eu/#When:17:00:01Z</guid>
      <description>One of the proposals made in E3G’s recent pamphlet ‘Europe in the World: political choices for security and prosperity’ is that of a pan&#45;European participative budget.


This article provides a quick review of the pamphlet proposal. We’ll be following it up with discussion of how a pan&#45;European budget could help reshape the European political landscape.

A democratic European budget
There is no greater demonstration of the seriousness of an institution than the way in which it raises and spends its money. The current EU budget fails on both counts – the different EU institutions are not directly accountable for how money is raised, nor have the outcomes of previous budget setting exercises actually reflected the priorities of citizens.


All too often, budget setting has been an exercise in the defence of historical political trade&#45;offs between the different vested interests of member states, rather than a division of resources according to the challenges facing Europe. The budget is truly a reflection of past political horse&#45;trading, not future political priorities.

Citizen influence required
If this continued betrayal of citizens’ interests is to be avoided, citizens themselves must be able to shape the political context of future EU budgets. The spending review due to be undertaken in 2008&#45;09 should therefore incorporate a European&#45;wide participative budgeting process. 


This citizen input should begin during 2007 with a series of pan&#45;European deliberative activities. These should identify citizen priorities for EU spending, providing policy makers with an initial indication of levels of public support for different EU actions. The European Commission should incorporate these views into its review of the EU budget and seek further deliberative input on specific citizen concerns.

European Parliament Election Day
Then, on the day of the elections to the European Parliament in June 2009, all voters should be enabled to contribute their perspective on the budget review proposals by ranking their preferences for EU spending. This should be for issues which have direct financial impacts for their region and member state, and also for those policies related to the EU’s role in the world. Results should be reported by electoral region and member state as well as a European average.

Making budget changes real
MEPs elected on that day should then take responsibility for engaging their constituents with the subsequent discussions in the EU institutions as to the future shape of the EU budget. Member state officials and political leaders will also have to justify their negotiating positions in the light of these citizen preferences. The European Parliament should act on behalf of citizens to ensure that Europe’s budget review reflects their wishes and provides added value to European cooperation; serving in this role as facilitators between institutions and citizens in all future EU budget exercises.


Engaging European citizens directly in the budget review would be the most concrete and meaningful extension of citizen participation in European democracy. It would provide a real demonstration that European institutions are accountable to the views of citizens.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; Thinking, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-01-30T17:00:01+00:00</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <title>The EU in search of a story</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/the&#45;eu&#45;in&#45;search&#45;of&#45;a&#45;story/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/the-eu-in-search-of-a-story/#When:18:56:01Z</guid>
      <description>Back on January 4th, Timothy Garton Ash&#8217;s regular Guardian column made some very pertinent points about the political challenge facing Europe as we enter 2007.


Noting the New Year expansion of the EU from 25 to 27 member states as Bulgaria and Romania joined, he rightly poses the question:


There is so much to celebrate &#45; but why do we see so little celebration?&#8221;


The tremendous paradox of modern Europe is that while we as individuals are now more prosperous and free than at any time in our history, our collective mood is sour and our political dividing&#45;lines point us away from the successes of EU cooperation. As Garton Ash says:


Rarely has such a successful enterprise been so plagued with self&#45;doubt.&#8221;


Garton Ash then moves on to present a brief overview of Europe&#8217;s current practical policy challenges. I think that in this he is broadly right, although I would reframe how he makes both his main points:

Rather than simply creating problems for our welfare states and personal prosperity, the combination of ageing populations and increased competition are forcing us to reconsider how we define success. Rather than constantly deflecting attention away from Europe&#8217;s successes we should focus on them.

Similarly, the twin challenges of energy security and climate security must be met together if we are to successfully ensure Europe&#8217;s security and prosperity past the end of this decade. This is a challenge which demands cooperation and interconnected policy responses yet is still riven by narrow national preoccupations and sectoral interests. It is therefore a political litmus test of whether the EU can operate at a new level of political seriousness in the face of a new kind of external challenge.


Progress on both these issues is currently typically slow, despite the recent raft of strategic reviews led by the European Commission, so Garton Ash is on safe ground in his belief that:


all we can realistically hope from the six&#45;month German presidency is that it begins to generate a new sense that Europe is capable of finding practical solutions to them.&#8221;


From practical solutions to political vision
Where I find Garton Ash&#8217;s column hits the nail on the head is in his return to the larger political canvas on which the EU and member states haggle over policy detail. For his penultimate paragraph captures neatly the challenge to which E3G is seeking to respond through our &#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; activities:


Yet beyond the individual policies, there is the matter of the overall story that Europe wants to tell. Everything that the European community did from the late 50s to the early 90s was packaged within a larger historical narrative. Of course individual nations had their own different narratives about their place in Europe and Europe&#8217;s place in them, but there was sufficient common ground among two generations of political leaders shaped by the memory of war. No longer. An effective political narrative links a (selective) history of where we are coming from with an inspiring vision of where we are heading to. This is what Europe now lacks.&#8221;


From our discussions across Europe over the past couple of years, here at E3G we have come to the conclusion that this story is neither one of &#8216;Grands Projets&#8217; like the European Constitution. Nor is it one of practical policy details such as lowering mobile phone roaming charges for a grateful citizenry.


Rather, the political task ahead and the new story we need to tell are both wrapped up in the need to ensure Europe&#8217;s continued security and prosperity in the face of a suite of interconnected and external challenges. Energy security and climate security is just the largest and most pressing of these. These challenges can&#8217;t be met through internal EU reforms alone, but require the EU to align its internal and external policies in such a way that it brings its remarkable assets to bear.


To do this, Europe needs to be able to see itself in the mirror of the world &#45; in the wider context of a global community approaching 8bn inhabitants; with growing resource constraints; and with the continuing diffusion of power under globalisation. This is where we are heading towards, whether we like it or not: so we now need to be able to communicate an inspiring vision about it.


Only the EU has the assets to shape a coherent global response. It has to get serious about using them. To do that, it needs to recognise its unique position and start telling itself a new story. An EU in pursuit of global goals and internal improvement might just have that elusive potential to inspire its citizens.


This is a political task: political stories obviously require political leadership. Yet given the current poverty of European political leadership in shaping a collective response, alternative storytellers will also be required from elsewhere. Any volunteers?</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-01-25T18:56:01+00:00</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <title>The Eurovision vision contest</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/the&#45;eurovision&#45;vision&#45;contest/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/the-eurovision-vision-contest/#When:11:07:00Z</guid>
      <description>Thanks to Clive Bates for an  engaging review and insightful critique of the E3G &#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; pamphlet on his &#8216;Bacon Butty&#8217; blog.


Judging from the first paragraph, I think we can say that Clive likes it:


Terrific pamphlet by Tom Burke and Nick Mabey of E3G. Their Europe in the World publication is a vision for Europe painted on the broadest possible canvas &#45; an inspiring call for Europe to cast off its paralysing anxieties and face the globalising world with confidence and purpose. This is about defining a European mission that is outward&#45;looking, and aimed at playing the most fundamental role we expect from any state institution: providing security. But they have a broad definition of security, making the case for Europe as a key actor providing in energy security, climate security, water security and food security. They define success not in raw GDP terms (which remains the obsession of the EU&#8217;s Lisbon Agenda and most leaders), but in terms of quality of life, health, security and well&#45;being.


Clive&#8217;s review isn&#8217;t all praise however &#45; he questions whether the pamphlet is tough enough on the issue of political leadership, and has some additional ideas for furthering democratic engagement. I particularly liked his suggestion that


I think the key is to arrange the affairs of Europe so that our leaders &#45; the Blairs and Chiracs of the future &#45; have to own the European project and take it to their people. One way would be to link the weighting each member state gets in qualified majority voting not to population, but to number of people voting in the European elections &#45; thus incentivising domestic politicians to increase turnout.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2007-01-17T11:07:00+00:00</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <title>Europa in der Welt: Zusammenfassung des Manifests</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/europa&#45;in&#45;der&#45;welt&#45;zusammenfassung&#45;des&#45;manifests/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/europa-in-der-welt-zusammenfassung-des-manifests/#When:15:41:00Z</guid>
      <description>Europa in der Welt: Politische Entscheidungen für Sicherheit und Wohlstand 

Europa versäumt es, die politischen Wege zu gehen, die notwendig sind, um die Sicherheit und den Wohlstand seiner Bürger in einer Welt von eng verflochtenen Abhängigkeiten zu garantieren. Europa muss eine innovative Zielstrebigkeit entwickeln, um den Herausforderungen der kommenden Jahre gewachsen zu sein. Das Manifest “Europa in der Welt” zeigt Wege dazu auf. 

Eine neue Vorstellung von Europa in der Welt 
Globale interkontinentale Abhängigkeit ist das neue Thema, mit dem sich Europa beschäftigen muss. Die größten globalen Probleme, die das 21. Jahrhundert beherrschen werden, von Terrorismus zu den klimatischen Veränderungen über Massenwanderungen und organisierte Verbrechen, können nicht von einzelnen Staaten im Alleingang gelöst werden. Erfolgreich besiegt werden können sie nur mit der sanften Macht, die Europa in den letzten 50 Jahren aufgebaut hat. 


All diese Probleme sind dringend. Die Geschwindigkeit der klimatischen Veränderungen warnt uns vor den Gefahren des Nichtstuns. Wenn Europa weiterhin seinen Werten treu sein will, muss es sowohl nach außen wie nach innen agieren um die Verwirklichung all seiner Werte sicherzustellen.


Europa hat die wirtschaftlichen Ressourcen, die soziale Kohäsion und die politische Einstimmigkeit die dazu erforderlich sind, aber seine Bürger verdienen eine moderne Perspektive, die auf eine klare Vision für Europas Rolle in der Welt aufbaut . So soll Vertrauen bei denjenigen Bürgern hergestellt werden, denen nicht bewusst ist, welche einzigartigen Eigenschaften Europa besitzt. Das wird jedoch ganz andere politische Entscheidungen erfordern als die derzeit zur Auswahl vorhandenen.


&#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; Pamphlet Cover
Europas Entscheidungen
Die  politischen Entscheidungen, die jetzt genommen werden müssen, werden Zukunft, Zielsetzung und Identität Europas bestimmen. Das Manifest “Europa in der Welt” präsentiert fünf kritische Ansätze:


Erfolg neu definieren: Europa muss Vertrauen haben, nicht Angst. Angst wirkt lähmend, Vertrauen bringt Energie. Wir müssen die Bedeutung des wirtschaftlichen Erfolgs neu definieren und ihn dabei mit sinnvollen Maßnahmen untermauern wie anhaltende Konjunktur, Wohlstand, Einkommensstabilität, Umweltqualität und  soziale Mobilität.


Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Generationen aufbauen:  Europa muss einen neuen intergenerationellen Vertrag zwischen Jung und Alt aufstellen. Wir müssen uns auf eine faire Aufteilung der künftigen Risiken zwischen den Generationen einigen, um bei der Investition in eine beständige Zukunft nicht zu versagen.


Energie&#45;und Klimasicherheit erreichen: Europa muss eine sichere, kohlenstoffarme Wirtschaft entwickeln, ohne auf andere zu warten. Ein Fortschritt, der diese beiden parallelen Ziele anstrebt, sollte die kritische Maßeinheit zur Beurteilung des künftigen Erfolges Europas werden.


In ein erfolgreiches China investieren:  Europa muss sich unbedingt in China auf der Basis gegenseitiger Interessen engagieren. Europa kann seine grundlegenden Wirtschafts&#45; und Sicherheitsinteressen am besten verteidigen durch Investitionen in Chinas Entwicklung zu einer stabilen Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft.


Ein europäisches Budget für die Zukunft erstellen:  Europa muss statt in den Umgang mit der Vergangenheit in den Umgang mit der Zukunft investieren. Das mächtigste Instrument in der europäischen Politik ist der EU&#45;Haushalt. Die Ausgaben sollten in Innovationen, ressourcenabhängige und wirksame Infrastrukturen sowie Stabilität nach außen fließen.&amp;nbsp; 

Diese Entscheidungen treffen
Die Erneuerung der europäischen Demokratie ist ein integraler Bestandteil der erfolgreichen Antwort auf die Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts. Europa wird nur dann in der Lage sein, die für seine zukünftige Sicherheit und Wohlstand notwendigen Entscheidungen zu treffen, wenn es von seinen Bürgern den klaren Auftrag dazu erhält und bessere Wege findet, seine Bürger zu engagieren. Europa muss ernsthaft in neue Mechanismen für nationenübergreifende Demokratie investieren. Diese Mechanismen sollen die Bürger direkt in die Gestaltung der Zukunft Europas einbeziehen.


Die Europäer selber müssen den politischen Kontexts zukünftiger EU – Haushalte gestalten können. Die Ausgabenrevision von 2008/09 sollte einen partizipativen europaweiten Haushaltsrevisionsprozess beinhalten. Die Ansichten der Europäer über die künftigen EU – Ausgabenbilanz wie Landwirtschaft, Einheit, Außenpolitik, Umweltschutz und Innovationen sollten erörtert werden. Bei den Europäischen Parlamentswahlen im Juni 2009 sollten dann alle Wähler ihre Meinung zu den Haushaltsrevisionsvorschlägen geben können indem sie ihre Vorzüge für EU&#45;Ausgaben ein Ranking geben.&amp;nbsp; 


Die direkte Einbeziehung der europäischen Bürger in die Diskussion zur Haushaltsrevision wäre die konkreteste und bedeutendste Form einer Bürgerteilnahme an der europäischen Demokratie. Sie würde ein deutliches Zeichnis geben, dass die europäischen Institutionen den Staatsbürgern gegenüber verantwortlich sind. 


Es ist an der Zeit, dass Europa sein Schicksal selbst in die Hand nimmt. Das wird jedoch ganz andere politische Entscheidungen erfordern als die derzeit zur Auswahl vorhandenen. Wir müssen neue demokratische Wege öffnen, die die europäischen Bürger beschreiten können. 

Weitere Informationen 
Reaktionen und Kommentare zu den Manifest “Europa in der Welt”, Übersetzungen, Material zum Herunterladen und Aktuelles zur Entwicklung der Manifests ist ab 11. Dezember 2006 zu finden auf 

www.europeintheworld.eu


Weitere Einzelheiten zur Reihe E3G über ‘thinking events’ bzw. andere Initiativen zur Entwicklung dieses Manifests sind zu finden auf Europe in the World.</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2006-12-19T15:41:00+00:00</dc:date>
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      <title>&#8220;L’Europe dans le monde&#8221;: Résumé du manifeste</title>
      <link>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe&#45;articles/leurope&#45;dans&#45;le&#45;monde&#45;resume&#45;du&#45;manifeste/</link>
      <guid>http://www.e3g.org/index.php/programmes/europe-articles/leurope-dans-le-monde-resume-du-manifeste/#When:17:21:00Z</guid>
      <description>&#8220;L’Europe dans le monde&#8221;: Des choix politiques pour la sécurité et la prospérité

A l’heure actuelle, l’Europe omet d’opérer les choix politiques nécessaires pour assurer la sécurité et la prospérité de ses citoyens dans un monde interdépendant. Si elle veut se montrer à la hauteur des défis des années à venir, l’Europe doit moderniser ses objectifs. Le manifeste ‘L’Europe dans le monde’ présente la façon dont elle peut y parvenir. 

Une nouvelle vision pour l’Europe dans le monde
Une interdépendance mondiale, tel est le nouveau contexte dans lequel l’Europe doit agir. Les problèmes mondiaux qui domineront le XXIe siècle, du terrorisme au changement climatique, des migrations de masse au crime organisé, ne peuvent être réglés par des nations agissant de manière isolée. Il n’est possible de les aborder avec succès qu’en déployant la « puissance douce » développée par l’Europe au cours du dernier demi&#45;siècle.


Tous ces problèmes sont urgents. Le compte à rebours enclenché par le changement climatique nous met d’ores et déjà en garde contre les dangers de l’inaction. Pour vivre en accord avec ses valeurs, l’Europe doit investir tant sur le plan externe que sur le plan interne afin de garantir le succès de tous.


L’Europe dispose des ressources économiques, de la cohésion sociale et de l’alignement politique pour atteindre ces objectifs mais elle a besoin d’un projet moderne pour ses citoyens, élaboré autour d’une vision claire de sa place dans le monde. Celui&#45;ci doit inspirer la confiance aux citoyens Européens qui n’ont pas conscience des atouts uniques de l’Europe. Pour ce faire, un ensemble de choix politiques très différents de ceux actuellement proposés est nécessaire.


&#8216;Europe in the World&#8217; Pamphlet Cover
Les choix de l’Europe
Les choix politiques que nous devons opérer aujourd’hui définiront l’avenir de l’Europe, son objectif et son identité. Le manifeste ‘L’Europe dans le monde’ expose cinq choix critiques:


Redéfinir le succès: L’Europe doit être confiante, non pas anxieuse. L’anxiété paralyse, la confiance dynamise. Nous devons redéfinir le sens du succès économique, en le fondant sur des mesures significatives d’une prospérité durable telles que le bien&#45;être, la stabilité des revenus, la qualité environnementale et la mobilité sociale.


Créer une coopération intergénérationnelle: L’Europe doit conclure un nouveau contrat intergénérationnel entre jeunes et anciens. Nous devons convenir d’une répartition équitable des risques futurs entre les générations sous peine de ne pouvoir investir dans un avenir durable.


Garantir la sécurité énergétique et la sécurité climatique: L’Europe doit, sans attendre les autres, développer une économie sûre, pauvre en carbone. Le succès futur de l’Europe doit être mesuré en fonction des progrès accomplis dans la réalisation de ce double objectif. 


Investir dans la réussite de la Chine: L’Europe doit s’engager positivement aux côtés de la Chine, sur la base d’intérêts mutuels. La meilleure façon pour l’Europe de défendre ses intérêts fondamentaux en matière d’économie et de sécurité consiste à investir dans le développement de la Chine en tant qu’économie et société stables.


Un budget Européen pour le futur: L’Europe doit investir dans la gestion du futur et non du passé. Le budget est l’outil le plus puissant qui soit dans l’arsenal des politiques de l’Europe. Les dépenses Européennes doivent stimuler l’innovation, la création d’infrastructures efficaces en matière de ressources et la stabilité externe.

Opérer ces choix
Engendrer un renouveau de la démocratie européenne fait partie intégrante des défis à relever au XXIe siècle. L’Europe ne pourra prendre les décisions d’ampleur nécessaire pour garantir sa sécurité et sa prospérité futures que si elle peut trouver de meilleurs moyens d’engager ses citoyens et leur permettre de conférer des mandats au niveau Européen. L’Europe doit investir sérieusement dans de nouveaux mécanismes pour une démocratie transnationale. Ces mécanismes doivent engager directement les citoyens dans l’élaboration du futur de l’Europe.


Les citoyens eux&#45;mêmes doivent être capables de façonner le contexte politique des futurs budgets de l’UE. La revue des dépenses, qui doit être entreprise en 2008&#45;09, doit incorporer un processus de budgétisation participatif à l’échelle de l’Europe. Des activités délibératives doivent identifier les opinions des citoyens sur le futur équilibre des dépenses de l’UE, entre des domaines tels que l’agriculture, la cohésion, la politique extérieure, l’environnement et l’innovation. Ensuite, lors des élections au Parlement européen, en juin 2009, tous les électeurs doivent être en mesure de faire part de leurs points de vue sur les propositions de revue budgétaire en manifestant leurs préférences quant aux dépenses de l’UE. 


Engager directement les citoyens Européens dans le processus de révision budgétaire constituerait le prolongement le plus concret et le plus significatif de la participation citoyenne à la démocratie Européenne. Cela démontrerait réellement que les institutions Européennes sont tenues de prendre en compte les opinions des citoyens.


Il est temps pour l’Europe de prendre en main son destin. Cela nécessitera un ensemble de choix politiques très différents de ceux actuellement proposés. Nous devons créer de nouvelles voies démocratiques qui permettent aux citoyens Européens de prendre les rênes.

Informations complémentaires
Les réactions, les versions traduites, les ressources téléchargeables ainsi que les actualités concernant les activités connexes au manifeste ‘L’Europe dans le monde’ seront disponibles sur www.europeintheworld.eu dès le 11 décembre 2006.


Des informations complémentaires sur la série de ‘tables&#45;rondes de réflexion’ organisées par E3G ainsi que d’autres activités liées à l’élaboration de ce manifeste figurent sur Europe in the World .</description>
      <dc:subject>Europe in the World &#45; News &amp;amp; Comment, Europe in the World &#45; Pamphlet</dc:subject>
      <dc:date>2006-12-18T17:21:00+00:00</dc:date>
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